consequences of ethnic conflict in ethiopia

Still, the medium-term consequence could be that anti-state resentment might silently spread throughout the country, especially if theres rising dissatisfaction with Abiys top-down decentralization ruse for solidifying his centralization model. As more pro-government and anti-Tigrayan rhetoric circulates online, Zelalem worries it is normalizing the violence the country has seen over the past year. 1. Conflicts have been largely fuelled by groups demanding more land and power, with attempts to drive out people they regard as outsiders. In October last year, 27 people were killed in a wave of clashes over the border, with each side blaming the other. But this was maybe too simplistic and impractical for a country comprised of various ethnic groups scattered around the country, groups not necessarily confined within state boundaries. By Takele Bekele Bayu 13-14 March and 19-20 March. Freelance journalist Zecharias Zelalem is one of the people attempting to document that story in real time. Your new, bigger and better Democracy in Africa, Deconstructing the Magufuli miracle in Tanzania. He mentioned that the current panel discussion is unique because it included panellists both from the academia and the practitioners. More often than naught, ethnic groups harbor ill will towards other ethnicities, while terrorists are more focused on targeting random areas, not particular concerned by whom is targeted, ethnic conflicts have lead to intrastate violence replacing interstate. According to his study, it is learned that more than 400,000 internally displaced people from different parts of the country are now living in Amhara Regional State. In the Benishangul-Gumuz region at least 100 people, including children, were killed by assailants in December. It applied qualitative research . In November 2015, protests began in a small city called Sululta (one of the neighborhoods in the capital city, Addis Ababa). Meanwhile, more than 100 people were killed earlier this month in border clashes between the Afar and Somali regions. Although both fall under the definition of terrorism, there is a difference in the definition of their goals and demands. Bodley also mentions other factors that are responsible for increasing the intensity of violent conflicts. This fighting began a two-year long war, in which countless men and women were killed and the economies of the two countries ravaged by the military expenditures (Abbink, 2003, p. 410-16). The OLF is an opposition party that spent years in exile but a ban on it was lifted after Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office in 2018. . Frances Haugen, a former data scientist at Facebook, told members of a Senate subcommittee that her former employer bears some of the blame for the growing conflict in Ethiopia. Amhara political activists blame this on the long-standing propaganda of Oromo political elites, who have at times spoken against the equal rights of Amharas (who have been living for generations in Oromia region long before the territorial ethnic-based federal state structure endorsed). He particularly appreciated the Ministry of Peace for participating in the panel and for its effort to capitalize the participation of people from the academia. Ethiopian Institute of Textile and Fashion Technology, Project Development and Management Directorate Office, Washera Geospace and Radar Science Laboratory, Entrepreneurship Development and Incubation Center, UEA UNESCO Chair in Adult Literacy and Learning for Social Transformation at Bahir Dar University, Vice President for Administration Affairs, Vice President for Information & Strategic Communication, Vice President for Research and Community Services, Vice President for Business and Development, Bahir Dar University Total Quality Management, Bahir Dar University Institutional Repository, The National Academic Digital Library of Ethiopia (NADLE), The National Digital Library of Ethiopia (NDLE), P.O. This is a reasonably contemporary topic as there has been recent. The attackers torched homes, and shot and stabbed people as they tried to flee. Something that can move men to kill but also to die (260). The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization based in Washington, D.C. Our mission is to conduct in-depth, nonpartisan research to improve policy and governance at local, national, and global levels. (p. 6) These conflicts often escalate to the point where the original crisis fades into the background, and the participants lose sight of it altogether. 5. Then what is the difference between your article and hearsay? The international community has been pushing the country to allow more aid into the rebel-held regions, but that hasn't worked. It would send a strong message to any potential copycat movements that theyll be the next to be destroyed if they dare to follow in the footsteps of the most powerful faction of the former ruling party. In 1974, a military coup overthrew the Ethiopian monarchy. Many Ethiopians are living in refugee camps in neighbouring Sudan because of conflict in their country. 3 0 obj AGOA brought Ethiopia about $100 million in hard cash annually and generated employment for 100,000-200,000 people, mostly southern Ethiopian women working in textile factories. It's a war "between brothers, between sisters," Tamu said. The armed conflict between the Ethiopian National Defense Forces and the Tigrayan regional forces, which erupted on the eve of November 3, was the latest in a long series of confrontations between Ethiopia's Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and the leaders of the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which governs the regional state bordering Eritrea. "What we saw in Myanmar and are now seeing in Ethiopia are only the beginning chapters of a story so terrifying no one wants to read the end of it.". While separatists have defined, achievable goal, religious terrorists have a nihilistic ideology that are from a rational point of view not feasible. Violent ethnic conflict leads to tremendous human suffering. War is not a common phenomenon anymore after the post cold war era. Most of the protesters slogans (both in Oromia and Amhara regions) call for the downfall of the system that allows minority ruling dominance of the last 26 years. Based on this concept, the study was aimed to examine actors, causes and consequences of the violation plus challenges in preserving civil rights of Amharas in Benishangul Gumuz Regional State (bgrs) of the post 1991 Ethiopia. Militias from the two eastern states have clashed before over disputed boundaries. Three years later, a Marxist regime took over the country. Abiys January release of several arrested opposition politicians is a good first step, but insufficient. Disputes decentralised from centre to local units. The most immediate consequence could be that even those peaceful individuals who support decentralization might be intimidated into staying silent or even become radicalized. Digging a bit deeper, the prevailing question is whether a civilization-state as diverse as modern-day Ethiopia can even (re-)centralize at all after everything that its been through over the past several decades since its first civil war broke out from 1974-1991. Hale argues that ethnofederal states that have a core ethnic region (CER) are highly prone to collapse. On December 21, Abiy halted the advance of ENDF forces at the Tigray borders, though air strikes have continued into January 2022 with civilian casualties. In Afar, Tigray forces sought to take a major logistical artery from landlocked Ethiopia to Djibouti to relieve Addis Ababas debilitating blockade of Tigray. War often leads to forced migration, long-term and also serious economic costs - loss of buildings, infrastructure, a decline in the working population, uncertainty, rise in debt and disruption of normal economic activity. EDUARDO SOTERAS/AFP via Getty Images. The release of political prisoners in Ethiopia too good to be true? Ethiopian refugees gather in Qadarif region, easter Sudan, November 16, 2020. "The highland groups would subjugate all these other so-called ethnic groups into the Ethiopian state and the narrative was always: We are Christian and Amhara speaking," he said. This means that the de-facto continuation of one-party rule will likely be a fait accompli in the near term. His other areas of focus include South Asian affairs and the US' recent restoration of hegemonic influence in Latin America. The second speaker Mr Tadesse Melese presented his thesis prepared for the fulfilment of a second degree titled Metekel post 2018 political change and the conflict dynamics. The session had three panellists: Dr Sisay Mengistie, Mr Tadesse Melese and Mr Migbaru Ayalew. The attack resulted in a series of violent attacks, displacements, and killings of many people who lived their entire life in the zone, particularly the Amharas. A war that, as far as he can tell, has done nothing for his country. Furthermore, it is necessary to describe the role of international actors in preventing as well as solving intra-state conflicts. Do you think you are free from any bias to post this Article? Both Reuters and Amnesty International have detailed a massacre of civilians in the town of Mai Khadra. <> Ethnic conflict, political crisis and the future of Ethiopia, Decolonizing the Commentariat Contact List UPDATED, NEW FOR 2020: The Decolonizing the Academy Reading List, Why Africa should not follow the Rwandan model. Ethnic conflict in Ethiopia is a consequence of the reforms of the head of the country's government Abiy Ahmed. . Fighting between rival ethnic groups in western Ethiopia has displaced 70,000 people, the UN says, with more than 40 killed according to local media. This author describes the state structures as being predatory in nature (Bodley 1: 1). The sad story here is you are portraying yourself as PhD Student. He promised that Bahir Dar University is committed as ever to support such kind of academic forums. The biased interventions in intra-state conflict by international actors are highlighted as to why such conflicts are so difficult to resolve. Asl Aydntaba, Pavel K. Baev, Jessica Brandt, Federica Saini Fasanotti, Vanda Felbab-Brown, James Goldgeier, Ryan Hass, Steven Heydemann, Suzanne Maloney, Michael E. OHanlon, Elizabeth N. Saunders, Constanze Stelzenmller, Caitlin Talmadge. This essay analyses the reasoning behind the difficulty of solving intra-state conflicts. The November 4, 2020 armed conflict in Tigray was not a surprise given months of mutual provocations between TPLF and the federal government. During the State of Emergency mass-detentions, restricted communications, and political prosecution of opposition political activists and leaders (like the popular figure Merara Gudina) were commonplace. If you read it again objectively, I hope, you will change your mind. And the third is that this might still happen, but for whatever reason, the conditions arent yet ripe.
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